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Phonetic symbols are the foundation of linguistic analysis—they give you a precise way to describe sounds that spelling simply can't capture. You're being tested on your ability to identify sounds by their articulatory features (where and how they're produced in the mouth), distinguish between voiced and voiceless pairs, and understand how vowels vary along dimensions of height, backness, and rounding. These aren't just abstract symbols; they're tools for analyzing accents, understanding language change, and explaining why certain sounds pattern together.
Don't just memorize what each symbol looks like—know what place of articulation, manner of articulation, and voicing each sound represents. When you encounter a transcription problem or a question about dialect variation, you need to connect the symbol to the physical production of the sound. Master the system, and you'll be able to analyze any sound in any language, not just English.
Vowels are classified by three features: how high the tongue sits (height), how far forward or back it is (backness), and whether the lips are rounded. Understanding this grid lets you predict vowel relationships and explain dialect differences.
Compare: [ɪ] vs. [ʊ]—both are high lax vowels, but [ɪ] is front/unrounded while [ʊ] is back/rounded. If asked to identify vowel pairs that differ only in backness, this is your go-to example.
Compare: [ɑ] vs. [ɒ]—same low back position, but [ɒ] has lip rounding. This single feature distinguishes American "hot" from British "hot." Perfect example for questions about how minimal articulatory differences create dialect variation.
Fricatives are produced by forcing air through a narrow constriction, creating turbulent noise. They come in voiced/voiceless pairs at each place of articulation—a pattern you'll see tested repeatedly.
Compare: [θ] vs. [ð]—identical place and manner, differing only in voicing. This is the clearest example of a voiced/voiceless pair sharing dental articulation. FRQs often ask you to identify what distinguishes two sounds—here, it's voicing alone.
Compare: [ʃ] vs. [ʒ]—another voicing pair, this time at the postalveolar place. Note that [ʒ] is much rarer and more restricted in distribution—a good example of how frequency and position constraints vary even within pairs.
Some sounds don't fit neatly into pairs or series—they represent distinctive articulatory mechanisms that set English apart from other languages or mark specific dialect features.
Compare: [ŋ] vs. [ʔ]—both are sounds English spelling handles poorly, but [ŋ] is a nasal continuant while [ʔ] is a complete stop. One lets air through the nose; the other blocks all airflow momentarily.
| Concept | Best Examples |
|---|---|
| Voiced/voiceless pairs | [θ]/[ð], [ʃ]/[ʒ] |
| High vowels (lax) | [ɪ], [ʊ] |
| Mid vowels | [ɛ], [ʌ], [ə], [ɔ] |
| Low vowels | [æ], [ɑ], [ɒ] |
| Dental fricatives | [θ], [ð] |
| Postalveolar fricatives | [ʃ], [ʒ] |
| Sounds rare cross-linguistically | [θ], [ð], [ʔ] |
| Dialect markers | [ɔ]/[ɑ] merger, [ʔ] for [t], [ɒ] in British English |
Which two consonant pairs demonstrate the voiced/voiceless distinction at the same place of articulation? What articulatory feature is the only difference between them?
A speaker pronounces "cot" and "caught" identically. Which two vowel symbols are merging, and what geographic region is this merger most associated with?
Compare [ə] and [ʌ]: both are central/back unrounded vowels, so what determines which one appears in a given syllable?
Why might a non-native English speaker substitute [t] or [s] for [θ]? What does this tell you about the cross-linguistic rarity of dental fricatives?
If an FRQ asks you to explain how "sing" and "sin" differ phonetically, which symbol represents the sound that distinguishes them, and what is its place and manner of articulation?